Misaki Kishi

Graduate University for Advanced Studies, SOKENDAI 

Introduction

Wayang kulit, the traditional shadow puppet theater of Central Java, employs elements of local mythology and philosophy to impart moral lessons. It is regarded as one of Indonesia's most significant cultural practices. Javanese music and performing arts, including wayang kulit and gamelan, remain vital cultural expressions within Indonesia and have also spread beyond their regional origins, gaining recognition nationally and internationally. Today, gamelan ensembles can be found across the world, and wayang performances are also regularly staged globally. In a wayang performance, the dalang (puppeteer) is responsible for manipulating the puppets, narrating the story, and directing the accompanying gamelan music. Performances typically last the entire night. In this article, I explore the vocal practices of women dalang in wayang kulit. 

The role of the dalang has traditionally been reserved for men belonging to dalang lineages (Groenendael 1985, 206; Keeler 1987, 183). While fewer in number, women dalang exist, with records as early as the 18th century (Pausacker 1986, 30). Yet, women dalang have faced numerous challenges, making it difficult for them to succeed as performers. Nevertheless, notable women dalang have emerged on the scene in recent years. For example, in 2022, Nyi Kenik Asmorowati, a puppeteer from a dalang lineage in Sragen regency,[1] became the first woman to be appointed as the head of the dalang course at the Institute for the Arts (Institut Seni Indonesia, or ISI) in Surakarta. Also, there are woman dalang from non-dalang backgrounds who have gained popularity. Ni Elisha Orcarus Allasso, who studied at ISI Yogyakarta, has a huge online following, with one of her YouTube videos reaching approximately 1.56 million views.[2] Women dalang continue to face numerous challenges and have limited opportunities for success. Specifically, these challenges include physical and vocal differences compared to men, gender-specific difficulties such as pregnancy and menstruation, and social expectations surrounding women's domestic roles, particularly as mothers (Robertson 2016, 42). Due to these expectations, it has traditionally been considered taboo for women to attend wayang performances at night. Furthermore, most of the gamelan musicians who accompany wayang are men. Yet, women dalang have gradually gained social recognition and status recently.

One of the challenges women dalang face lies in their voice. Audiences often expect dalang to have deep, masculine voices (Ramonita et al. 2023, 50), meaning that women dalang are frequently criticized for having voices that “do not quite fit” the role (Robertson 2016, 124). Furthermore, the majority of the characters in wayang are male, as patriarchal structures heavily influence the narratives (Ismah 2017, 42). This makes it harder for a woman dalang, who has to spend a large part of the night simulating male voices (Pausakcer 1986, 31). However, through extensive engagement with women dalang, I have observed that they do not simply aim to adopt a "masculine voice." Rather, most of the people I interviewed in this article believe that a "feminine voice" does not necessarily need to be eliminated.  

In this study, I examine vocal expression from the perspective of women dalang, highlighting the increasing diversity in their vocal performance techniques. I illustrate how audience perceptions and stereotypes surrounding their voices are changing. By showcasing this expanding vocal range, my research contributes to a perspective that views dalang practice, traditionally seen as a male role, not as a fixed tradition, but as a “living culture” in constant change (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983). This evolving vocal practice reflects artistic innovation and also signals a gradual redefinition of gender roles within dalang performance—one that allows for more fluid, contextually shifting expressions of both masculinity and femininity.

Literature Review

Research on dalang has spanned various academic disciplines, including cultural anthropology and gender studies. Previous research has largely assumed dalang to be male, resulting in limited scholarly attention on women dalang. Nevertheless, there has been a growing interest in women dalang within both cultural anthropology and gender studies since the 2010s. Notably, much of the existing literature has focused on the challenges faced by women dalang. Robertson (2016) conducted a study on twenty women dalang in Central Java, identifying their limitations. These include physical difficulties in producing a deep voice and executing demanding puppet movements, challenges related to menstruation and pregnancy, the need to balance performing with social responsibilities and their domestic roles as a mother, as well as social expectations of polite behavior. Additionally, women dalang have historically been excluded from performing ruwatan, a ritualistic form of wayang. However, Robertson documented cases like Nyi Susilah, showing that some women dalang have performed ruwatan, suggesting a shift in this tradition (Robertson 2016, 180-182). Ismah (2017) identifies similar technical challenges for women dalang, such as voice control and puppet manipulation, which have traditionally been associated with male performers. She also examines how traditional gender norms in Javanese society are reflected in wayang, arguing that both the structure of the narratives and the portrayal of female characters are predominantly male-centered, amplifying the challenges for a women dalang. These anthropological studies highlight the social, cultural, and physical barriers faced by women dalang, including vocal limitations, demanding puppet movements, and societal expectations, reflecting broader gendered norms in traditional Javanese performance. However, as seen in the case of ruwatan, Nyi Rumiyati—who is currently active primarily in performing ruwatan—considers the notion that women cannot participate in such rituals to be outdated. Today, most active dalang, regardless of gender, believe that women should be able to take part in ruwatan. Moreover, some male dalang, such as Ki Geter Pramuji Widodo, a dalang from Yogyakarta, assert that if a woman is capable of performing as a dalang, her abilities should be recognized and utilized. As a result, there is a growing shift in contemporary Java toward a more positive recognition of the capabilities of women dalang.

Ardiani (2019) analyzed perceptions of women dalang in East Java, arguing that they continue to face discrimination from both audiences and musicians, placing them in an unequal position. In particular, the study highlights the widespread stereotype that “women are physically weak and therefore unsuitable to become dalang” (Ardiani 2019, 20). However, there is evidence that women dalang actively overcome these challenges and expand their professional roles. For example, Ramonita et al. (2023) highlight the efforts of Ni Kenik, who has been refining her skills as a puppeteer while also establishing Rara Asmara, a performance group composed of women dalang and musicians aimed at promoting women performing artists. Scholars have suggested that women dalang reinterpret wayang narratives from their perspectives, incorporating female protagonists and reimagining traditional stories in ways that enhance the artistic presence of women dalang (Robertson 2016, 150-151; Ismah 2017, 44, 51). Although there has not yet been extensive research on these new interpretations, Nyi Kenik features a female character who acts as a warrior, positioning her as a protagonist and demonstrating to the audience that women, like men, have the right to assume leadership roles (Harti 2019, 4, 6).

Previous studies have identified the feminine voice as a key challenge for women dalang, particularly due to the expectation held by audiences, male dalang, and gamelan experts—that a dalang should have a deep, masculine voice (Ramonita et al. 2023, 50; Ardiani 2019, 15; Robertson 2016, 124; Ismah 2017, 46). These studies, however, focus primarily on this external expectation without examining how women dalang themselves perceive this challenge or how they negotiate it in their performances. On the contrary, this essay highlights how women dalang navigate their vocal challenges and performatively express themselves. Additionally, by analyzing audience perceptions of women dalang’s voices, this study contributes to our understanding of the evolving and diverse performative expressions of women dalang.

Despite these advancements and apart from studies by Javanese scholars such as Harti (2007) and Suwondo (2011), there are few detailed analyses of women dalang performances. Harti suggested that “women dalang should seek new approaches that are not found in male dalang, so that their performance offers a new color and has its appeal” (2007, 28). She analyzed feminist approaches in the performances of Nyi Sofiah, a dalang from Kebumen Regency. In her analysis of Nyi Sofiah's work, Harti elucidates that the message Sofiah seeks to convey in her stories is that women should safeguard their dignity while also upholding loyalty to their husbands—a value deeply rooted in Javanese cultural norms (Harti 2007, 133–134). In Javanese culture, such loyalty is not necessarily regarded as a passive or subordinate role; rather, it can be understood as a moral and spiritual responsibility, and thus a way for women to preserve their dignity. Sofiah emphasizes may be viewed as a culturally embedded form of feminism. Moreover, it is important to note that interpretations or performances centered on female protagonists have been extremely rare in wayang. In this context, Nyi Sofiah’s attempt to highlight women’s values and dignity through female characters can be seen as a new approach in itself. In other words, her performance does not merely reproduce traditional women’s roles; rather, it seeks to make visible a woman’s perspective that has historically been underrepresented. Suwondo (2010) analyzed the performances of Nyi Suharni Sabdowati and revealed that her performances aimed to faithfully reproduce those of Ki Nartosabdho, one of the most famous of the male dalang who were active between the 1950s and 1970s. 

As demonstrated by these previous studies conducted by Javanese scholars, the approach of analyzing performance content is considered highly effective for exploring the messages they seek to convey to society through their performances. Approaching the subject from this perspective will not only shed light on the evolving flexibility of wayang performance techniques but also contribute to a deeper understanding of the diversity within the dalang profession and the shifting perceptions of women performers in Javanese society. Accordingly, I seek to clarify the distinctive features of women dalang performances, an area that remains insufficiently analyzed. As a first step, I focus on voice—a challenge traditionally associated with women dalang—by examining their vocal techniques and expressive strategies.

Methodology

This study is based on fieldwork I conducted in Surakarta, Central Java, from November 2023 to November 2024. In this study, I conducted semi-structured interviews with eight actively performing women dalang, which served as the primary source of qualitative data. I designed and carried out these interviews myself, focusing on the participants’ life histories—including the professions of their family members and their pathways to becoming dalang—as well as their perspectives on challenges traditionally associated with women dalang, such as puppet manipulation and voice use. I developed the analysis by identifying and categorizing key themes that emerged from the interview transcripts. I also asked about the strategies they use to navigate such challenges during their performances. In particular, I explored their perspectives on voice, including pitch, vocalization techniques, character expression in performance, narration strategies, situational adaptations, and how their vocal approaches differ from those of women solo singers in gamelan (sinden).

Second, as a woman researcher with a background in ethnomusicology, I undertook practical training under the guidance of Nyi Kenik during my fieldwork from July 2024 to October 2024. This is based on Mantle Hood's concept of “bi-musicality.” He argues that the study of music involves not only an understanding of music and the related arts but also insight into language, religion, customs, and history—in other words, the entire identity of the society, of which music is one important part (Hood 1960, 58). Moreover, Timothy Rice states that “I came to understand how Bulgarians, operating from a variety of social positions, interpreted the structures of musical utterances as referencing a world” (Rice 2008, 59). In other words, music functions not merely as an art form but as a significant medium that reflects society and the world. Therefore, by learning the practical skills of women dalang, I gained a deeper understanding of their expressions as well as the underlying Javanese value systems.

As a woman, my positionality allowed me to engage more closely with women dalang and to understand gender-specific challenges, such as embodied vocal practices and physical constraints. This perspective enabled me to ask more in-depth and nuanced questions during interviews. In addition, the hands-on experience also helped me gain a concrete understanding of the training and performance processes shared by both male and women dalang, providing a fuller picture of how gender dynamics operate within the tradition.

Third, audience perceptions were investigated through interviews with nine fans of Ni Elisha. These interviews were analyzed to understand how her voice is received and evaluated by her audience. Additionally, this study incorporates participant observations of various wayang performances by both male and women dalang across different regions of Java during the fieldwork period. In the performances, I often played the gender, one of the gamelan instruments. These observations provide comparative insights into vocal expression within the broader context of contemporary wayang performance.

Discussion

The vocal elements of a dalang include narration, character dialogues, and the singing of suluk (dalang’s songs), all of which traditionally employ a low-pitched voice. Historically, women dalang who can produce a voice closer to that of a male dalang have been highly valued (“Dalang Wanita Nyi Suharni” 1996, 54; Robertson 2016, 126; Suwondo 2011, 85). Correspondingly, my observations of women dalang in actual performance reveal that they indeed often adopt a low, deep, and powerful voice, distinct from their natural speaking voice. 

Nyi Paksi Rukmawati, a woman dalang from a dalang lineage in Sukoharjo Regency, stated that since dalang has traditionally been a male profession, women dalang must adapt to the style of male dalang to succeed, as remaining entirely feminine can be a disadvantage. As she explained:

“Kalau bisa kita itu akan mengikuti begini. Bagaimana pun dalang itu umumunya laki-laki kalau sampeyan mau dalang, tidak mau berubah karakter yang sangat feminin begini, tidak menjadi maskulin, tidak bisa. Kita harus tetap meniru, tetap meniru. Iya. Pertama bagaimana kita akan kalau kita feminin, sedangkan kita mempelajari banyak karakternya pasti akan membentuk dengan sendirinya karakter cewek menjadi tomboy. Jadi maskulin.”

If possible, we would follow it like this. Generally, dalang is male, so if you want to be a dalang, you can't retain such a feminine character. If you can’t become masculine, it's impossible. We have to keep imitating; we must keep imitating. Yes. First, how can we, if we are feminine when we learn many characters, it will naturally shape the character into a tomboy. It becomes masculine. (Nyi Paksi Rukmawati, interview with author, August 9, 2024)

According to Nyi Paksi, many young women dalang, particularly those new to the craft, initially train to produce a low voice before developing their unique style. She explained that a dalang's voice is projected using the abdomen and throat, whereas sinden produces resonance from the head, highlighting a fundamental difference between the two. This aligns with the following point that has been noted in previous studies: a dalang should have a deep, masculine voice (Ramonita et al. 2023, 50; Ardiani 2019, 15; Robertson 2016, 124; Ismah 2017, 46). Similarly, Nyi Suparsih, a dalang from Klaten Regency who also performs as a sinden, stated that while both voices are women, the sinden voice is light, whereas the dalang voice is rich and firm, and the two should be distinctly differentiated.

Nyi Paksi learned voice projection techniques from her father, a dalang, by practicing vocal exercises from the abdomen while portraying raksasa (demon) characters. Additionally, she developed a habit of speaking loudly in daily conversations. Through these exercises, she cultivated the stamina necessary to perform for an entire night without straining her voice. This training also influenced her demeanor—she recalled being perceived as a “tomboy” during her school years. Originally a shy person, she gradually adopted more masculine behavior through vocal training and interactions with male friends who studied dalang. She noted that her aunt, Nyi Rumiyati Anjang Mas, and Nyi Paksi’s friend, Nyi Kenik Asmorowati, also exhibited masculine behaviors in the past, as adapting to the predominantly male world of dalang was a means of survival.

To further explore the relationship between voice and gender representation, a comparison between Beijing opera and wayang is insightful. These two traditions contrast sharply in their institutional frameworks and embodied practices. Wayang has historically been performed by males, and the role of women dalang was not institutionalized. For example, the suluk melody is composed to suit male vocal ranges, and when a woman performer sings it an octave higher, physical limitations arise. This highlights how the lack of standardized vocal norms in wayang directly affects women performers.

In contrast, Beijing opera has a systematic structure where roles are gender-specific, each representing different ages and social roles. These roles are highly stylized through body movements, costumes, makeup, and vocal techniques (Wichmann 1991). Gender representation in Beijing opera is not based on the performer’s actual gender but on mastering the specific stylized form of each role. Although cross-gender performance was once common (Ren 2024), it is now limited but still follows specific acting and vocal conventions.

The key difference is that in Beijing opera, gender representation is created through stylized conventions, whereas in wayang, the performer’s body directly influences the vocal practices. Women dalang often model their voices on male performers due to the scarcity of women role models, making their vocal practices more improvisational and dependent on the body. While Beijing opera's gender representation is institutionalized and stylized, in wayang, the performer's gender is deeply embedded in the vocal expression, making the practices more flexible and context-dependent. Comparing these traditions provides valuable insight into how voice and gender are culturally constructed and embodied.

Although women dalang can adapt their vocal expression to the male world of wayang, Nyi Sarwiyanti, a woman dalang from a dalang lineage in Sragen regency, acknowledged that biological differences between men and women prevent women dalang from fully replicating a male voice. For her, making different voices for various raksasa—an essential skill in wayang scenes depicting the demon kingdom—is a particularly challenging task. However, she actively performs such scenes as a way of demonstrating her technical proficiency to the audience. Nyi Sarwiyanti acknowledges that the voice is given to the body—that is, shaped by biological factors—but she is not passively bound by it. Rather, she demonstrates a clear understanding of how vocal qualities are evaluated and framed through culturally embedded expectations. Women dalang like her engage in strategic vocal practices, carefully positioning and presenting their voices in ways that respond to these expectations. In this light, the so-called “biological” aspects of voice should not be seen merely as limitations, but as elements that are continually negotiated and rearticulated within the cultural norms of gendered performance.

Nyi Nia Dwi Raharjo,[3] Nyi Paksi’s cousin, pointed out that the issue of voice in women dalang is complex and that exploring expressions unique to feminine voices is equally important. Nyi Nia, who has a relatively high-pitched voice, is praised by her aunt, Nyi Rumiyati, for the beauty of her high notes and the refined (halus) atmosphere of her performances. This reveals other aesthetic criteria in performances that may be more readily achieved through the vocal expressions of women dalang.

While young women dalang initially undergo training to produce a low voice, all those interviewed for this study agreed that it is not necessary to strictly imitate a male voice. Nyi Sofiah, a woman dalang from a dalang lineage in Kebumen regency, emphasized that individual voices naturally vary—some are high, others low—and that women dalang should embrace this diversity rather than strive for a uniformly masculine tone. Ni Elisha echoed this statement, noting that an excessive pursuit of a deep voice can risk evoking pity from the audience, who may perceive the performer as struggling to sound like a man but failing. She explained:

“Aku sendiri juga nggak suka kalau aku terlalu seperti laki-laki, kayak memaksakan diri, kemudian penonton akan kasihan. Kasihannya karena. Kamu kasihan banget ya, pengen jadi kayak cowok tapi kamu nggak jadi cowok gitu.”

“I also don't like it if I act too much like a man, like forcing myself, because then, the audience will feel sorry for me. They will pity me, thinking, 'You want to be like a man, but you're not becoming one.” (Ni Elisha, interview with author, January 11, 2024)

During a lesson with me, Nyi Kenik emphasized that in narration, the quality of the voice is less important than expressive delivery. Similarly, Nyi Suparsih stressed that emotional expression and distinct character portrayal are more critical than a deep voice.

Women dalang are expected to understand the personalities of different characters and employ appropriate vocal techniques accordingly. According to Nyi Kenik, the design of a puppet determines its personality and voice characteristics. For example, a character with a downward-facing face is gentle and speaks in a soft tone, whereas a character that faces forward is talkative and speaks rapidly. In narration, Nyi Kenik highlighted the necessity of adjusting tone, intonation, dynamics, and tempo to suit each scene. Nyi Sarwiyanti explained that a humorous scene requires a lively tone, whereas a battle scene demands a sense of weight and intensity.

As Eidsheim argues, vocal qualities such as depth or resonance are not merely biological features; they are socially interpreted and judged. In the context of women dalang, the expectation of a “deep, masculine” voice reflects cultural norms that associate maleness with power and legitimacy in performance (Eidsheim 2019, 3). However, women dalang have actively developed strategies to express their voices in ways that defy these traditional expectations. By creatively utilizing their vocal range and timbre, they craft performances that both challenge and redefine the role of the voice in wayang, demonstrating how vocal expression can serve as a form of empowerment rather than a limitation. By embracing the voices of women dalang from a different perspective, there is potential for a more diverse and affirmative understanding to emerge. This process of vocal empowerment does not reside solely within the body, but unfolds in social interaction, performance contexts, and cultural interpretations—extending Eidsheim’s argument beyond the biological to the relational and performative dimensions of voice. As social norms regarding voice and gender shift, vocal expressions traditionally perceived as “feminine” are gaining legitimacy within wayang performance. This transformation has enabled a broader range of vocal styles and aesthetics, enriching the expressive capacity and diversity of dalang practice.

There has been a shift in the evaluation of women dalang’s voices. While previous research suggested that audiences tend to associate low voices with women dalang (Robertson 2016, 124), my interviews indicate a more nuanced appreciation of diverse vocal styles. However, among the nine fans of Ni Elisha whom I interviewed, eight cited her vocal attributes as part of her appeal. These fans, ranging from teenagers to those in their 60s, included five women and four men with various professions, such as students, farmers, housewives, and small business owners. I met seven of them at a wayang performance venue, while the remaining two were introduced to me through Ni Elisha. Seven were long-time wayang enthusiasts, while the other two had recently discovered it via YouTube.

The audience’s reception of Ni Elisha reveals a distinctly gendered dimension, particularly in how her vocal qualities and femininity are perceived and valued. Specific comments revealed admiration for the sweetness of her suluk, her skill in differentiating character voices, and the beauty of her naturally high voice—traits she once considered potential weaknesses. However, most of the fans I interviewed saw these qualities as central to her charm, especially in the male-dominated world of dalang, where women performers are still relatively rare. Notably, her suluk, praised for its elegance, was admired not only by the women fans but also consistently by male fans. This cross-gender appreciation suggests that her performance resonates beyond conventional expectations and invites reconsideration of gendered vocal norms within the tradition. One male fan, for instance, acknowledged the stereotype that a dalang’s voice should be “loud and powerful,” often modeled after figures like famous male dalang Ki Anom Suroto, whose resonant “KUNG” is considered ideal. Yet he expressed admiration for Ni Elisha’s conviction that women dalang need not adopt such vocal techniques, but should instead embrace the natural qualities of their voices—a sentiment he noted was shared among her supporters. This case illustrates how Ni Elisha’s performance challenges dominant gender norms by foregrounding a vocal style that does not conform to masculine ideals, yet is nonetheless celebrated by both men and women audiences. Her gender expression on stage is thus not merely tolerated but actively revalued, suggesting a shifting paradigm in which femininity can coexist with, and even redefine, artistic excellence in the traditionally male-centered domain of wayang.

Traditionally, the audience for wayang was primarily male, with women often discouraged from attending (Robertson 2016, 47). In recent years, however, this demographic has diversified considerably. Today, spectators include both men and women across different generations and professions. This transformation has been particularly noticeable since 2020, with the rise of live-streaming on YouTube. These digital channels have not only made wayang more accessible to global audiences but also attracted younger viewers and housewives, groups previously underrepresented in the wayang scene. Ni Elisha herself attributes part of her growing popularity to this digital expansion, noting that online performances allow her to reach audiences who might not otherwise attend traditional events. Moreover, the increased role of YouTube has contributed to a broader recontextualization of wayang: from being seen primarily as a ritual practice to becoming a form of entertainment consumed for personal enjoyment.

One fan noted that while there is a stereotype that a dalang’s voice should be loud and powerful, Ni Elisha challenges this notion by advocating that women dalang should embrace their natural voices rather than forcibly lowering them. This suggests a shift in audience expectations regarding women dalang voices. These findings challenge the notion of what is considered "traditional" in terms of women dalang voices. Rather than conforming to the historically established ideal of a deep, masculine voice, women dalang are increasingly being recognized for their unique vocal styles and expressive capabilities. This shift reflects how the perception of a "traditional" voice is not fixed, but is instead a dynamic concept that evolves over time. Notably, the femininity of women dalang is gradually being accepted, and alongside the traditionally valued masculinity, their femininity has become an attractive component of their performance. This shift enables women dalang to embrace their gender as a strength, thereby broadening the range of expressive possibilities available to them. This development not only applies to women dalang, but also suggests a broader diversification and enrichment of expressive styles across all dalang performances, including those by male performers.

Conclusion

Due to the traditional perception of dalang as a male profession, women dalang have faced challenges related to their voice, as they are expected to produce a low, powerful tone. Historically, those who successfully achieved a deeper voice were more highly valued. While women dalang continue to train and develop strong and resonant voices for performance, this study has revealed a recent shift —from merely imitating a male voice to utilizing their natural vocal qualities to enhance character individuality and emotional expression.

While much of the earlier research has emphasized the obstacles women dalang face and the challenges of professional success, recent trends indicate that women dalang are gradually gaining recognition and increased performance opportunities. For example, opportunities for women dalang performances were traditionally limited to events commemorating women, such as Mother's Day (Robertson 2016, 116). However, in recent years, performances have increasingly been featured at various events, including weddings, middle school anniversaries, and government functions. Notably, in the case of Nyi Kenik, there has been a rise in performance requests for such events, and Ni Elisha, with the support of her fans, performed eight times between 2021 and 2022. These examples indicate that audience interest in women dalang is growing. The background to this shift lies in the modernization of Indonesia, where the social roles and contributions of women have increasingly been recognized. Furthermore, the rise of male dalang, such as Ki Geter, who actively support and appreciate women dalang, as well as the development of media, which has led to a more diverse fan base for women dalang, suggests that the perception of women dalang is changing. These factors are crucial in understanding this transformation. Future research should further analyze the social and cultural factors behind these changes. Therefore, future research should not only address the difficulties faced by women dalang but also examine their perspectives, initiatives, and concrete artistic contributions. Changes in audience perception have become increasingly evident, as exemplified by the case of Ni Elisha. Despite having a naturally high voice, she has been praised for the beauty and expressiveness of her vocal delivery. This shift in audience reception indicates a diversification of values regarding the women dalang voice, suggesting that a deep voice is no longer the sole marker of excellence. Moving forward, I expect that the development of women dalang will involve expanding individual artistic expression beyond traditional expectations.

While this study focused on voice, future research should extend its scope to the content of narration, exploring the messages that women dalang seek to communicate to society. Through such an approach, a broader understanding of the "voice" of women dalang can be achieved, shedding light on the richness of their performances and artistic expressions.

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to all those who kindly participated in the interviews for this study. Their insights and generosity were invaluable to this research.  Additionally, this study was made possible through a research grant from The Resona Foundation for Asia and Oceania for the fiscal year 2023. I deeply appreciate their support.  

Notes

Interviews

Allasso, Elisha Orcarus. Interview with author. January 11, 2024, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. 
Widodo, Geter Pramuji. Interview with author. June 4, 2023, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. 
Asmorowati, Kenik. Interview with author. July 19, September 10, 2024, Surakarta, Indonesia. 
Rukmawati, Paksi. Interview with author. August 9, 2024, Sukoharjo, Indonesia.
Wursito, Rumiyati Anjang Mas Kenyo. Interview with author. January 14, March 30, 2024, Boyolali, Indonesia. 
Sarwiyanti. Interview with author. October 6, 2024, Sragen, Indonesia. 
Sofiah. Interview with author. August 21, 2024, Surakarta, Indonesia.
Suparsih, Sri. Interview with author. August 21, 2024, Surakarta, Indonesia.

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