Calistha Gunawan

Temple University 

INTRODUCTION

Interviews with members of the Chinese Indonesian diasporic community can help us understand how immigrants find belonging using socio-practices, or social activities, such as music and religion. I used oral history interview protocols and interviewed three Chinese Indonesian immigrants from the Greater Philadelphia area who are involved in musical activities at a Protestant church. I asked questions focused on feelings of community belonging, the Chinese Indonesian diaspora, and theoretical frameworks such as musicking (Small 1998) and placelessness (Relph 1976). The objective of this project is to answer the following question: how does music and religion help Chinese Indonesian immigrants find a sense of belonging? Using interviews and archival footage, this project underlines how the accessibility of music in religious spaces serve as a resource for emotional and spiritual guidance during transitional and challenging periods.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Historically, Chinese migrants arrived in Indonesia as skilled traders, a role that was favored by Dutch colonizers during the 17th century colonial period. Their interaction not only facilitated better job opportunities for Chinese traders compared to native Indonesians but also established a distinct social hierarchy where Chinese Indonesians and the Dutch were separated from the rest of society. They were often wealthier and existed in separate spaces such as where they lived, went to school, and socialized. Many Chinese Indonesians were introduced to Protestantism through their interactions with Dutch colonizers, further separating Chinese Indonesians and native Indonesians.

Though Indonesia gained independence in 1949, remnants of this colonial social structure created a clear ethnic division in Indonesia, resulting in an overwhelming anti-Chinese sentiment. This persisted long after Indonesia’s struggle for independence and prompted the rise of President Suharto’s New Order regime in 1966, known for their anti-Chinese policies such as the banning of the Chinese language, cultural festivities such as the celebration of Lunar New Year, and Chinese last names. Additionally, The New Order was distinct in their anti-communist sentiment; as religious affiliation disassociated one from Communist affiliation, many Chinese Indonesians converted to Christianity (Hoon 2016, 228). Of the 2.83 million Chinese Indonesians residing in Indonesia, approximately 43% identify as Christian or Catholic according to a 2010 census, despite Indonesia being a predominantly Muslim nation (Anata et al. 2015, 78). However, this report may be inaccurate as it only accounts for Chinese Indonesians who self-identified as Chinese and Christian, not including ethnic Chinese who have rejected their Chinese heritage for the sake of assimilation.

Referencing the dominant culture, religion, and ethnic group of Indonesia, Chinese Indonesians are essentially seen as foreigners (Sai 2013, 161). In a 2022 Consensus conducted by the Pew Research Center, 86% of Muslims in Indonesia believe that Islam is a core part of the Indonesian identity (Stirling 2024). Chinese Indonesians are distinct in terms of their religious and ethnic identity, existing as a minority in various social spheres, and complicating their Indonesian national identity. Though one can “belong” to a nation through citizenship, emotional belonging is crucial when identifying a nation as a “home” (Yuval-Davis 2006, 202). Discrimination based on ethnicity and religion, or traumatic events, can disrupt this fundamental feeling of belonging.

Between 1997 and 1998, Indonesia faced an economic collapse, causing financial and political strain throughout the country. Chinese Indonesians, already ostracized by society, became the scapegoats for the collapse. The May 1998 riots marked the climax of this tension, which targeted Chinese Indonesians and businesses, claiming the lives of approximately 1,200 people, the burning of 8,500 Chinese-owned buildings and vehicles, and the brutalization and rape of many Chinese Indonesian women (Utama 2023). This event is credited as the tipping point for the migration of over 100,000 Chinese Indonesians all over the world, with many of them seeking asylum in cities across the U.S. (Retsikas and Booth 2005). Among these cities is Philadelphia, which is one of the top ten cities in the U.S. with the most Indonesian immigrants.

Since Chinese Indonesians have always been separated from the rest of Indonesian society, solidarity developed from within, causing them to stick together and adhere to shared cultural practices, like religion. This tendency transmitted over during the diaspora, as observed in the establishment of Indonesian churches across Philadelphia. This phenomenon alludes to a sense of longing embedded within the community. Otherwise known as religious longing, this feeling has been described as analogous to the musical longing for a harmonious resolution when listening to music (Tietjen 2014, 137). Both fulfill an unexplainable desire for emotional and spiritual satisfaction and connection.

However, this religious longing does not always align with the theology of Western Protestant denominations, making it difficult to map the theology of Indonesian churches onto these structures (Hoon 2016, 4). With various historical and political reasons for Christian conversion among the Chinese Indonesian population, the exact practices have become blurred in addition to the transition to another country. Many Indonesian churches belong to certain denominations on paper but do not always strictly follow their exact practices and beliefs in practice.

INTERVIEWS

Regina is an active member of the Philadelphia Praise Center (PPC) in South Philadelphia, a Mennonite church that belongs to the Mosaic Mennonite Conference and Mennonite Church USA. Among my interviewees, Regina was the only person who had immigrated directly as a result of the May 1998 riots in Indonesia. She describes how her parents felt increasingly unsafe in Indonesia after the riots, influencing their migration to Philadelphia. Regina explains: “My parents are Chinese Indonesians, we’re also Christian. After hearing that there was a little bit of a budding community here in Philadelphia, they made the decision [to] try it out.”

Another regular attendee of the PPC, Ryan plays piano and drums for the music team. Ryan came to Philadelphia in 2018 with his sister after they were invited to audition at the Curtis Institute of Music for piano.

Santy came to Philadelphia in 2003 while pregnant with her second daughter. Upon her arrival, she first attended the First Baptist Church in Philadelphia and played piano for the church after learning that there was no live music. The church she attended was not strictly part of the Baptist denomination but merely resided in a building that belonged to a Black Baptist Church. The exact Protestant denomination of the church is unknown, as it only consisted of a practicing pastor and thirteen other members. Santy then moved between multiple churches of different denominations—Mennonite, Orthodox Presbyterian, and finally the Presbyterian Church in America (PCA). Currently she attends Tenth Street Presbyterian in Philadelphia, a church where only a small percentage of Indonesians attends. Living in Philadelphia for almost two decades, Santy has been a member of various churches. She explains that part of her faith journey was finding a church that aligned with her faith accurately, even if it meant diverging from her Indonesian Christian community. This research, however, primarily focuses on her musical experiences from the period in which she attended Indonesian churches.

MUSICKING AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN DIASPORA

David Seamon and Jacob Sowers (2008) unpack Edward Relph’s book Place and Placelessness by distinguishing the difference between place and space, with place being how one experiences a space (3). The book focuses on people’s identity in relation to place, which is defined by three components: “the place’s physical setting; the activities, situations, and events; and the individual and group meanings created through people’s experiences and intentions in regard to that place” (Ibid, 4). Historically, Philadelphia’s Southeast Asian community has struggled for a sense of space, often settling in transitioning vacant neighborhoods between the borders of Philadelphia’s segregated White and Black neighborhoods. Southeast Asian Americans in Philadelphia faced poor housing conditions, neglected public schools, and were involved in 25-30 percent of violent interracial incidents (Somekawa 2003). Because of the lack of secure and safe spaces, it was difficult for Southeast Asian Americans to create cohesive communities.

Indonesian immigrants returned to churches as a space for communal gathering, as church provided a consistent time and place, accessible for anyone interested in joining. Thus, observing the activities and meanings that emerge within these worship spaces is important to understanding how Indonesian immigrants find belonging. At the churches of the interviewees, the sermon and music are in Indonesian, and the music team is often set in front of the congregation, leading them in singing and instrumental worship.

Santy describes music as a communication tool between herself and God. “The music makes me, like, feel [what] God wants to say [to me] through the music, especially if I know the lyrics.” Having a spiritual connection to the music makes her more likely to remember how to play certain hymns on the piano and internalize the message of a song. When asked the question when music moves her the most, Regina pinpoints worship sessions:

I think for me, it’s most apparent or it is most moving during the worship session. The reason I say that is because the way that we categorize it is the upbeat, the songs that are lively, that get people clapping, in the beginning starts the worship service off. And so those praise songs are fun, right? And you feel it. But for me, it’s when the music starts to slow a little. And we usually will pray a little bit in the beginning of that. Most of the time, the worship leader will also say a couple of different words and perhaps read a passage.

Both interviewees describe the feeling of being musically and spiritually immersed. Music heightens the spiritual component of worship, and vice versa. Additionally, the act of coming together makes the experience exceptionally notable. Ryan describes the routine of simply performing and playing, highlighting how music enters a different realm when everyone is in sync. “In sync,” as described by Ryan, seems to transcend the musical meaning of being rhythmically or melodically together. Rather, music transcends its performative and physical aspects and becomes a medium of spiritual cohesion.

When the whole team is really, really in sync…musically, but also spiritually. Meaning you can sense that something is different when the whole team is really worshiping rather than performing and playing, and that’s usually the moment where a lot of us, not just me, get emotional.

Musicking describes any combination of taking part in the act of music, whether it is performing, listening, or rehearsing (Small 1999, 13). Musicking forges a relationship between those taking part in the musical performance and fuses subjective experiences into one goal: making music. In these responses, religious connection combines with musicking. Two or more emotional connections appear through this musical involvement: one with the religious group around them, and the other with their relationship with God. What is observed here other scholars have labeled as “church musicking,” where the process of coming together and engaging in these musical experiences strengthens the emotional connection and desire towards God (Benjamins 2021, 146). Chinese Indonesians settling in Philadelphia who gather at churches are united by their spiritual belief, where their faith becomes a form of resilience and a keystone of belonging. Maintaining a social and cultural connection to one’s home country can be difficult when attempting to integrate as immigrants. Some view the efforts to maintain cultural connection as a refusal to engage with new cultures and sticking within the comforts of tradition (Lidskog 2017, 23). Figuring out social cohesion is at the crux of the immigrant identity—how does one preserve the connection to their homeland while simultaneously integrating into a new society and culture?

Musicking can bridge together those with identities split between a “homeland” and a “hostland” as listening and performing to music can transfer knowledge of a certain cultural and ethnic identity in a new place. But Chinese Indonesians do not necessarily belong to their homeland either, making churches a portable structure for familiarity and support. Thus, three interconnected spaces emerge when discussing the notion of “church musicking”: the physical, the liminal, and the spiritual. The physical space hosts a tangible setting for worship, where congregants gather, share resources, and engage in communal practices. The liminal space transcends the physical environment, offering a unique sense of synchronicity and belonging that resonates deeply with the congregation’s shared cultural, historical, and political contexts. This space facilitates emotional connections not only with fellow worshippers but also with the collective memory of their homeland. Finally, the spiritual space embodies the connection between individuals and God that extends beyond the physical world. Together, these three spaces of a church musicking enables Chinese Indonesians to bridge the gap between their homeland and hostland.

THE PHYSICAL

The physical represents the tangible space of the church and the availability of resources that are made available by gathering at a certain space. Regina comments on how her church offered important resources and support.

Being a Christian, especially an Indonesian in Philadelphia, church is also where you get resources. Where you get support, where you find friendships…a lot of my musical involvement was because of church. That really comes down to when I was growing up there weren’t a lot of resources. My parents were working a lot. The early years of immigration you’re trying to figure out where you can go.

Ryan describes the exchange of musical resources that occurs at church. As a classically trained pianist, he has taught other members of his church his musical knowledge:

Some of our congregation also play music and understand—sometimes they compliment [me]. ‘Hey, that was a cool rhythm’ or ‘that was a cool groove,’ or ‘that was a nice progression’...and then from there, they’re like, ‘hey, do you want to help us to learn piano or even drum.’ And I was like, ‘yeah’...especially if their goal is to help out with church...I’m not going to stop that from happening. I’m going to try my best to help them out.

Diasporic communities are often limited in resources, either due to language, social, or other external barriers. For example, in Philadelphia approximately one in four immigrants are undocumented (Eichel and Ginsberg 2017). Legal status is one of the many barriers which prevents many immigrants from receiving adequate resources. Regina reflected on the year 2020 during the presidential election and COVID-19 pandemic. She commented on the then presidential election, and how it threatened immigration law and reform and the Indonesian community at large. As it was also the global pandemic, Regina described a looming anxiety and how the inability to meet up physically made worship challenging, as it diminished the ability to feel other people’s presence.

THE LIMINAL

Compared to the other interviewees, Ryan came to Philadelphia more recently. He notes that having a church community helped him adjust to his new life. These varying recollections point to the idea that in times of transitions or challenge, faith and community foster resilience and create intimate experiences:

Having support from familiar people...with familiar language, familiar culture, that helps a ton [with] being comfortable here. I heard a lot of stories [when] people come here, like Indonesian specifically, they don’t feel comfortable. They don’t feel like it’s their home because they’re alone. But then after discovering this community, you felt like you actually have your community here and it’s easier to adjust...by having that church community.

This point of interconnection from homeland to a hostland often occurs in third places like church and is reinforced through activities like music. As described below by Regina, music itself is a resource, providing comfort, connection, and support in times of hardship, and the practice of religion exists in the space which hosts these benefits. Music then is more than a form of expression; it is a transformative resource which fosters feelings of spiritual and emotional connection with other people of similar backgrounds. Regina describes the emotional state of worship sessions and how it reinforces her spiritual connection with God:

Being on stage is one thing but also just being in a seat with other congregants is really moving because you feel that energy. And you feel, sometimes it’s sorrow, sometimes it’s despair, sometimes it’s just like, I’m really glad to be here. [It’s] that kind of like feeding off of each other and experiencing that moment with God together.

THE SPIRITUAL

Santy cites the pregnancy with her third child, who was diagnosed with Trisomy 18, as a particular source of distress. Given the rarity of this genetic condition, there was not much help offered to her. She remarks how music and her faith became a refuge in times of turmoil.

My third pregnancy, the doctor [said] I will have a special needs kid [that] will not live for more than one year. The doctor said nothing can be done with a child like this. I prayed right away… It’s new for us too, we were researching everywhere, Googling everywhere…we were stressed out…But just playing music, because I love to play music and I play the piano, it [helped] me to [bring] out what is inside my heart or in my mind and then through the music, I can feel especially what God [wants] to [say] to me”

For Santy, music acted almost as a translator. Thus, the meaning of music in a religious context is not universal. In this specific incident, Santy’s spiritual connection was deeply personal and existed solely between her and God. Her spiritual connection extended beyond the physical space of a church. Praying on her own and playing by herself provided her relief.

THE IMPLICATION OF COMMUNITY

There were answers from interviewees that pushed the limits of music and religion as a source of community bonding and support, touching on broader issues, namely how immigrant communities may find belonging outside their religious or ethnic group. Immigrants face adversity or acceptance based on how they are socialized into a society. Assimilation is imposed onto immigrants with the hope that new immigrants will adapt to the new country (Omanovic and Langley 2021).

Santy has lived in the U.S. for twenty years now but comments on how she not only made friends through the church, but also through external organizations she found, like the music classes she brought her daughters to. She explains, “[when] I bring my girls to music class and [there are] some parents who are bringing their own children to the classroom, that’s where [I] make friends.” Conversely, Regina comments that having friends specific to a faith and ethnic group makes it difficult to integrate into other circles that were outside those groups.

The easiest thing to think about when I was younger, my school friends, mostly Black kids and some other Southeast Asian kids, versus my church friends who were all Indonesian kids…It took more effort to be able to branch off.

Similarly, and possibly related to his comparably recent move to the U.S., Ryan comments on having difficulty finding community outside the Indonesian or church community since graduating college.

Back then there was a lot [of community] in my college here…We have a lot of Indonesian community for students outside of church, [which] happens to have a subgroup that goes to the church as well. After graduating college…most of them just go home and all that, and we just grew our separate ways.

Moving forward, it is crucial to recognize the importance of music and religion together in immigrant communities as a means of social cohesion and resilience. However, shifting attention towards moving past ethnic and religious belonging and into societal immersion could be a fruitful research endeavor to fully understand immigrant belonging.

CONCLUSION

This paper examines how music and religion serve as liminal resources of emotional and spiritual guidance during transitional and challenging periods of Chinese Indonesian immigration within Philadelphia. Involvement in music is often only accessible to immigrant communities through church and thus exhibits therapeutic properties that work in conjunction with spiritual beliefs. These personal testaments reveal diverse immigration experiences, but all recount the accessibility of church and music together creating tangible and intangible feelings of belonging and connection. This fusion of music and religiosity creates the following spaces: (1) the physical church; (2) the liminal space of connection to the space and people around them, the music, and God; and (3) the spiritual connection between the individual and their personal relationship with God.

Musicking that occurs in religious spaces often constitutes an exchange of resources—those skilled in music can share their talents, and music itself has an ability to encapsulate and translate a wide range of emotions. Music in religious spaces is potentiated by the familiarity of the space for immigrant communities, in this case being Christian churches for the Chinese Indonesian community. Belonging is necessary to satiate religious longing, which is the desire to be seen, heard, and understood by someone other than oneself, including both God as well as fellow community members.

This project points to further research examining the church’s role in aiding in an immigrant’s integration into a new society beyond familiarity. Thus, looking at how a culture engages with music can reveal much about one’s cultural identity: who engages in musicking and where musicking typically occurs can reveal the cultural value of a certain community. Music is a powerful communication tool and studying the ways music is used in different cultural contexts can broaden our understanding of how one relates to the world around them.

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